A group of colorful tents, heralded by the Palestinian flag, finds space in front of the Bundestag in Berlin. It is the Besetzung gegen Besatzung—BgB (Occupy Against Occupation), an encampment built by diverse activist groups and individuals to respond to the Palestinian genocide. The organization of the camp is based on mutual aid, material reciprocity, and education. Theresa Zwerschke and Dalia Maini have been there in both of its iterations: the first in April 2024 and the second in July 2025, and they have observed that, despite the hardship of upkeep the camp in Germany, the collective drive to honor Palestinian culture is stronger than violence. The conversation below is the result of this interaction.
How did the encampment come into being? Were there existing models of encampment that inspired its organization?
The camp was initially a reaction to the urgency of responding to the genocide by a small number of people. Someone came up with the idea, and other people encouraged them not to think twice and go ahead. A few more people registered to set it up. Organizing an encampment under the brutal eye of the Berlin police and ruling class was a challenging endeavour for the group of activists, artists, and everyone involved. Soon, more supporters arrived and took on tasks to make the camp functional. Many of us in organizational roles quickly needed to confront our own egos and habits of control that were overridden by the sheer amount of work the camp required. We needed to learn how to work together effectively and fast.
The first iteration borrowed the structure for the well-known student encampments against the genocide later that year. Previous encampments that served as inspiration are those that took place during the Arab Spring, such as the Tahrir Square camp structures in Egypt. Nevertheless, the BgB camp was driven by a spontaneity and don't-ask-for-permission attitude. If you see something that needs to be done, just do it. When a genocide needs to be stopped, do whatever you can to stop it.
What challenges did you face in the first days of the encampment—logistically, emotionally, or politically—and how did you address them collectively?
This camp was a new initiative, in ways that didn’t seem possible in Berlin at the time. Under all the repression, the camp in front of the Bundestag raised the Palestinian flag. A lot of people joined the camp to finally find an avenue to channel their emotions of anger, frustration, and grief outside of the ongoing protests. The support and energy everybody brought was overwhelmingly positive and a driving force for everyone at the camp. So, emotionally and politically, we were soaring. The other side of the coin was that the large number of people also brought logistical challenges. How do we find tents, sleeping bags, and sleeping posts? How do we provide food and water? How do we source other necessary materials—from lights to power banks?
Some impromptu working groups were set up to tackle these challenges, and with the help of donations, we were able to react to a lot of the needs of camp life. A big push to get over the difficulties of setting up came from social media outreach. A Telegram channel and an Instagram page were set up to invite people to join, to share updates, and to report what was needed at the camp. It became a common routine that people drove to the camp with a van, bringing water bottles, chairs, tents, whiteboards, and all sorts of things. We would scramble to get to the road to help them carry stuff, while continuously trying to evade the constant bickering of police officers. Once, a camp member cheekily asked for cookies on the camp Telegram. Our pantry was overflowing with them for days. It was an incredibly loving present.
Fig.1
How does self-education function within the context of the protest encampment?
After October 7th, the government’s response to the movement for Palestinian liberation revealed how the political apparatus in Germany is commandeered and corrupted by the neoliberal order, which supports and enables imperialism. We view culture as deeply political in the way it infiltrates and shapes social habits and beliefs, and this conviction is reflected in the programming of the camp. We invite people to understand leftist principles and refocus on anti-imperialist and pro-Palestine fronts. Palestinian culture, and the general culture of resistance across borders focused on resilience and communal living, is marginalized and [deprecated] by the numbing atomization of capitalism. Cultural and political elites worldwide seek to reinforce ideologies and cultural structures that protect their position in society, such as obedience to authority, individualism, and white-washed “inclusivity”.
Our cultural programming, taking shape through workshops, lectures, talks, movie nights, and communal meals, is part of this vision of resistance and crosses every aspect of society. In our fight for a free Palestine, we are also fighting against this dominant [neoliberal] culture. With the program, we spotlight how Palestinian narratives, and [wider] narratives of resistance, are historically and communally negotiated and culturally driven. Poetry, readings by people in Gaza, film screenings that discuss occupation and resistance, art as a radical tool for healing, and workshops in which participants can not only consume, but create and live the concept of Sumud (صمود)—which translates as “steadfast perseverance”. These formats enabled meetings between groups that otherwise would have never come into contact. It strengthened our political understanding and practices.
Further, we should not underestimate the effects of organizing and laboring on the self. Through praxis, there is plenty of opportunity to learn and develop. For the camp to function smoothly, we have to communicate efficiently, balance finances, navigate transportation, and the managing of resources, set up security measures, among many other “banal” activities that make a living space function. All these activities have a political purpose that offers ample opportunity for self- and communal education.
To facilitate this process of inclusion, we call on people to join open general assemblies at the camp, where the existing working groups give updates on operations and ask whether people want to be involved. People can join any working group they are interested in and take part in shaping the camp, from kitchen supplies to social media graphics.
Fig.2
How did you decide on the programming of cultural and educational activities? Were there specific texts, artists, or movements that guided your choices?
The camp is not characterized by any single political identity, and this is reflected in the diversity of programming. Our [role] is not to set up our own workshops, but to open the camp to all people in Berlin in support of Palestinian liberation and resistance, to contribute. The programming team acts as administrators of scheduling and finding resources, such as microphones, whiteboards, and anything a workshop presenter needs to facilitate their work. We make open calls for people to give workshops on our social media channels and only perform minimal filtering to ensure the messaging promoted in the camp is reflected in the workshops. In the vast majority, the people who submit workshops are in alignment, but there have been cases where we first needed to discuss among ourselves whether the position of the presenter is aligned with our positions.
Do you see the camp as a space for collective learning? In what ways does it cultivate resistance or prefigurative practices?
Berlin’s society has been heavily divided through identity politics, geographical and economic gaps, the lack of open spaces, and racist structures, among many other reasons, which have led to communities becoming more and more disconnected from each other. The camp is inherently social and brings people from all backgrounds together: elders, children, adults, disabled people, all genders and religions. Through this process, the camp—as opposed to “official” education and political programming—offers a space where people can come together, exchange ideas, cultures, backgrounds, and politics. Interactions like impromptu picnics, singing circles, and coffee chats organically lead to the development of consciousness and connection [in ways] that no workshop can facilitate. It is also important to remember that the Western vision of well-being and self-care is shaped by society’s individualistic outlook. At the camp, we are aware that there can be no peace as long as our friends and our people are being killed. Healing can only emerge from total liberation. This is why we can put our differences and conflicts aside and focus on the work of the camp.
Palestinians in refugee camps have been forced by the occupation to live in self-organized camps to survive. At BgB we try to show others how we can live in community voluntarily by building bridges. If we can build our own small society with nothing but each other and a piece of grass, we can do it with all our collective resources on a global scale. While at camp, people work together for a shared commons. We have no illusions about the impossibility of fulfilling lives under the current racial-capitalist system, but as long as the encampments continue, we can offer glimpses of a better future. These glimpses come in the form of unity across borders, ethnicities, and sexualities.
Fig.3
What have been the hardest moments in your experience? How do you navigate internal tensions or disagreements within the camp?
The camp is not only a political and communal place, but also a place that is constantly surrounded and harassed by police. Tensions can run high, but we are continuously trying to keep the site as safe as possible so everybody can feel as welcome as the circumstances allow. Police raids, harassment, and constantly changing demands cause difficulties, but external pressure isn’t the hardest thing. Issues with the distribution of labor are often gendered, and burnout can suddenly leave the camp scrambling for resources. But the hardest issue is when internal differences of vision, as to purpose or how to organize, arise. These can be quite strong and aren’t always easily resolved. But admitting that the camp serves a specific urgent purpose and goal that we all agree on has often helped refocus on the work and move [us] past those issues. It’s not always smooth sailing.
We often host workshops on conflict resolution, and we have an awareness team present. We hold space during general assemblies to discuss issues at camp. Despite internal conflicts, we repeatedly reorient ourselves towards the pressing goal of ending the genocide in Palestine by demanding the ending of German complicity and the stopping of weapons shipments.
Can you share a moment or encounter in the camp that changed your perspective or helped someone unlearn something that was deeply ingrained?
There have been many moments like this. What we find especially touching and important is interaction with passers-by and “outsiders”. Many of them are average white German workers who don’t fit the typical profile of the marginalized who make up most of the participants at pro-Palestine demos. One day, a demonstration for farmers’ rights was planned nearby. Many of the protesters came to our camp, and while at first we were a bit suspicious, we quickly found we had more in common than we thought, and the feeling was mutual. Conversations went on for a long time. We learned about their struggles, and they learned about how the German government is facilitating genocide in Palestine. After all, capitalism is our common enemy: the lives and bodies of agricultural workers are ruined [through] exploitation, while on the other side of the world, Palestinians are being ethnically cleansed for imperialist interests. All of us uniting against our common enemy is the only way to break our chains.
Fig.4
Do you imagine the practices and relationships developed here continuing beyond the camp? If so, in what ways or forms?
We’re already on the third iteration of the camp, BgB 3.0, so the relationships do hold! The BgB camp packed up on Monday, July 28th, but we hope the momentum, connections, and structures developed during the camp can continue in the future. We plan to continue hosting events and gatherings, offering opportunities for political education and bringing people together.
Are there alliances or solidarities you’ve built at the camp that you hope will shape future actions or coalitions? How do you see this struggle connecting to others globally?
The Palestinian solidarity movement in Berlin is built as a loose network of connections. We are part of it and collaborate on actions and campaigns with other initiatives. While this allows the movement to provide a variety and diversity of action, it does not necessarily allow the movement to grow in focus and strength. For it to grow, we need to foster an organic connection to society, something that is not happening currently. For “outsiders”, it can be difficult to get involved, no matter how much you want to do it. Berlin operates on a “you need to know someone” basis, with very few open organisations that can spark and harvest the power of the people. BgB was one of the places that countered this—anyone could attend the camp—and for many people, BgB was their way into the movement. Specific groups attracted new members, new groups were founded, and connections between existing groups were established and strengthened.
BgB also tapped into the global encampment movement. We connected with other camps nationally and internationally and passed on our practical experience of how to organize, from which working groups are needed to how to build a compost toilet! We function as a large connecting entity and practical asset pool for the Berlin movement, as we support other initiatives with tech, background work, and awareness.
After packing up, we need to critically assess how we can continue this work of inviting new people into the movement and rallying under a unified banner. It is our job to continue building for power, connecting and enabling people to fight. Aiding the Palestinian liberation struggle requires global connection and activism. So far, Berlin has not stood up to the historical call. We need to set aside petty differences, identity politics, and ego, and start building a real anti-imperialist alternative.
Follow and support the camp @besetzunggegenbesatzung and its new iteration coming soon.
//
- Images:
Cover: The camp
Fig.1 Networking meeting for activists and allies
Fig.2 Movie Night
Fig.3 Talk on the Armenian Genocide
Fig.4 Talk with Human Rights activist Yasemin Acar
All image credits and courtesy Occupy Against Occupation Camp.
